Discuss With Reference To Edwin Chadwick History Essay

Discuss With Reference To Edwin Chadwick History Essay Dependent upon which historical field of study one has worked within, the image of Edwin Chadwick has, in past historiography, been somewhat polarized. Within the context of the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act, we are given an insight into the evil Edwin, the villain of poor-relief. His part in the creation of a deterrent system that focused upon indoor relief within the dreaded workhouse as its focus, made him unpopular contemporaneously, and historically. However, on the flipside of this coin, as one might expect, is an image of a man of morality. This Chadwick, unlike his earlier guise, has been heralded by historians as one the great figures and proponents of public health. His Sanitary Report (1842) was and is, seen as the pioneering piece of reformist literature that ignited the flame of public health in England.  [2]   Here I have shown the two sides of Edwin Chadwick. These two seemingly separate entities have been analysed by historians.  [3]  Yet, it seems that until recently, Chadwick within the public health context has avoided the scrutiny that the earlier poor law associated Chadwick has suffered. This can be attributed to a great degree to the early historiographical appreciation (or rather a lack thereof) of the new poor law. This image of the cruelty and amorality of the Amendment Act and the negative appraisal of the poor law post-1834 began with Beatrice and Sidney Webb. Their famous, and numerous, volumes on English local government have largely been discredited by current historians as somewhat ahistorical. It is sometimes far too easy to place upon a contemporaneous historical context modern attitudes and ideals. Early historical attitudes surrounding the new poor law suffered from this contemporary grafting. In the same vein, the historiography of public health in relation to Chadwick can be viewed as teleological. If not teleological, then it certainly suffered from a lack of questioning of Chadwicks public health ideals, especially those expounded in his Sanitary Report. The limitations of this historiography are being remedied by a current crop of historians, including Christopher Hamlin, Mary Poovey, and slightly earlier by Anthony Brundage.  [4]  The veneer of the Sanitary Report is being wiped away to expose the complexity of Chadwicks intentions hidden within the grain. Historians such as Hamlin have emphasised the political nature of Chadwicks Report. This new appraisal of the Chadwick of public health has narrowed the gap between the Chadwick of the poor law. There is only one Chadwick. This essay will hopefully disprove this duality of Chadwick, and emphasise the similarities between Chadwicks attitudes within a poor law context and those within the Sanitary Report. There a re politically charged threads that link his work within the Royal Commission for the poor law, between 1832 and 1834, to that of his 1842 Sanitary Report. Both the poor law and sanitation were components of Chadwicks wider reformist vision not only for England, but for Great Britain.  [5]  Chadwicks national picture of social organisation and improvement through centralised governing bodies, self-supervision, surveillance and discipline was based upon the assemblage of a mass of evidence and information. Centralisation, discipline, and statistics are the key threads to understanding Chadwick the politician, if he was such at all. Integral to an understanding of Chadwicks political persuasion is the influence of Jeremy Bentham and his Utilitarian principles.  [6]  This is a thread that shall run through and alongside the other threads; it is certainly a significant aspect of the politics of Chadwick. Some historians suggest that Chadwick was a product of Benthamite principles.  [7]   Therefore, a study of Chadwick without the inclusion of Jeremy Bentham would be a considerably diminished understanding of Chadwicks politics. The themes of Utilitarianism run throughout the work of Chadwick. His ideas on the makeup of the English or even British state are based largely upon the teachings of Bentham.  [8]  The Poor Law Commission within Chadwicks conception of administrative bodies was along very similar lines to that of Benthams Indigence Relief Minister. Furthermore, the later General Board of Health for which Chadwick can be attributed, was similar in many ways to the Minister of Health posited by Bentham. It is certainly clear that Benthams principles had a significant impact on Chadwicks ideas of central organization and administration.  [9]  Historians such as John Roach and Anthony Brundage have attributed this shaping of Chadwicks mind to Benthams Constitutional Code. This period of Chadwicks life, when living with Bentham, and helping him draft the C onstitutional Code, is posited as one of the most significant and influential periods in moulding his political, social and structural outlook. Yet, as Helen Benyon has suggested, after Benthams death, his pupil can be seen to depart somewhat from his code.  [10]  This divergence can be seen throughout Chadwicks career. For example, Bentham considered a royal commission to be an instrument of monarchical tyranny.  [11]  Yet as is well documented, Chadwick was heavily involved in such commissions, including his part in the Royal Commission on the poor law, for which he played a significant role. He even headed the Royal Commission on factories, and played an encouraging role in the commission that resulted in the passing of the Public Health Act in 1848. This divergence is not necessarily negative. In many respects, a royal commission was a fashionable tool of the Victorian period which engendered reform. Therefore, we can see Chadwick as merely using the political avenues th at existed to promulgate his own reformist ideals. In addition, much of what Chadwick created out of these commissions, in administrative and organizational terms was relatively utilitarian. This theme of centralisation and will be detailed in the proceeding section. One sticking point can be seen in Chadwicks opposition to universal political enfranchisement, something which Bentham certainly advocated towards the viability of democracy. This shift from Benthamism is certainly significant for later analysis of Chadwicks conception of social organisation within his Sanitary Report. This should not detract from the far-reaching effect that Benthams ideology had upon the later work of Chadwick. He was not a complete product of Bentham, his own past and ideological makeup mixed and fused with the latent Benthamite principles, the most significant of which can be seen in Chadwicks wholly national picture of reform and improvement towards intervention, and inspection through centralisation. Following this train of thought, we move into a key area of Chadwicks ideology. Centralisation was a significant aspect of the Chadwick model of organisation. It has its origins in Benthamism; of a considerably national and uniform system of institutional organisation.  [12]  An important factor in this is the Whig government from the 1832 Parliamentary Reform Act throughout the 1830s. As Brundage has suggested this Whig government presided over the most extraordinary periods of government growth in British history.  [13]  Reforms in areas such as the factories, the poor laws, education and police, all involved the growth of central government. There is a definite Benthamite flavour to this reformism. And this influence could be seen not only in the figure of Chadwick, but in moderate positions of power. Yet Chadwick is, for the purposes of this essay the most significant individual. His centralising vision is certainly along utilitarian lines. This was Bourne out of an abstr act and conceptual definition of paternalism which could be grafted onto his model of centralised government. However, the Whig governments idea of paternalism was along the more traditional lines of maintenance of the dominance of local government. The Whigs were open to government growth, yet only to uphold and strengthen this traditional paternal hierarchy.  [14]  In this respect one can see Chadwicks visions of central organisation as perhaps being moulded by his contemporaneous reality. England was more an agglomeration of counties, parishes, and common law courts than a state.  [15]  For his centralised vision to be accepted, he would have to make concessions. The structure of organisation and administration for which he provided for the poor law is a prime example of such a concession. He created the central body of the Poor Law Commission, the inspectorial and supervisorial enforcer of uniform relief, whilst keeping the local organs. However, these local unions presi ded over much larger geographical districts than under the old poor law, amalgamating several parishes together. Along with this example under the poor law, the earlier Factory Act, or Althorps Act passed in 1833 is probably a more significant indicator of the central interference of Chadwick. It was the first piece of legislation in Britain based on a major inquiry by experts entailing inference by the central government, supervised by agents of central government.  [16]  This centralised and uniform state driven ideology can even be identified within Chadwicks Sanitary Report. His vision of a national network of pipes, pumping fresh water into the homes and flushing out waste gives a very vivid image of state uniformity.  [17]  Furthermore, for the enactment of such a large scale task, he emphasises the need for a centrally organised system of expertise and authority. In 1848 the General Board of Health was set up. One can identify within Chadwicks work an overarching refo rmist vision. Within both the poor law (for which Chadwick has been negatively appraised) and the creation of public health (for which he is the patron saint) one can identify a continuity of his administrative vision of centralised institutions based upon authority, supervision and uniformity. In this respect, the gap between the Chadwick of the poor law and the Chadwick of public health converge to create Chadwick the reformist; a man with a national vision of improvement and Benthamite tendencies. Here a brief example of the importance of Benthams influence upon Chadwicks ideology might shed some light on Chadwicks policies. Anthony Brundage suggests that Benthams Panopticon plan is a physical representation of the concept of the tutelary State which Chadwick championed during the 1830s and 1840s. It resembled the Panopticon in its thoroughness, tidiness, and also its intrusiveness.  [18]  This design was intended for use in prisons or even workhouses, as an optimized system of surveillance. Yet here it brings to life, if only in image form, the importance of uniformity, and central authority in Chadwicks vision of the state. An important fact was that from the viewing tower all cells could be viewed, yet from the cells the central tower was not visible. This is an interesting aspect to consider in the context of Chadwicks vision, especially that of social improvement. Another significant thread of Chadwicks social vision is its disciplinary thrust. Both during his time within the poor law and public health domains there can be seen a subversive attempt by Chadwick to create an improved social body. The most troublesome of which was the labouring class. To understand the political nature of Chadwicks work, one needs to place it in its historical context. The most significant context is that of the Chartist movement. Emerging in the early 1830s and then re-emerging in the late 1840s, they were perceived as a very real threat to the Whig government of the time. The Chartist movement emerged out of the London Working Mens Association set up in 1836 by William Lovett. He later produced the Peoples Charter with Frances Place. They called for universal male suffrage. For the Whig government there was a very real fear that revolution could occur at any moment.  [19]  France was not so far away, and their recent history still lived fresh in the memory. There were several bouts of protests and marches by the Chartists, especially within urban areas. Some of which ended in violence, and the deaths of several Chartists. The Chartists movement was a rally point of sorts for the poor and disenfranchised labour population. Within this context one can understand the political nature of Chadwicks Sanitary Report in particular through his mouldin g of public health which incorporated a social preponderance. In addition to this context is that of the earlier disappointment at the inadequacies of the 1832 Parliamentary Reform propounded by Charles Greys Whig government. Along with this was the creation of the new poor law in 1834; the poor harvests during 1836 and 1837.  [20]  This context set the scene in which Chadwicks social and disciplinary ideas can be situated. Mary Poovey identifies Chadwicks attempt, through sanitary reform, to organise and control the labouring classes.  [21]  I use control here in the loosest sense of the word. Perhaps, as used earlier, discipline may be a more apt term. Chadwick, within the Sanitary Report, narrows public health to sanitation. Here one can identify Chadwicks divergence from the alternative attitudes towards public health such as existed in France, or even those attitudes of his British contemporaries, mainly within the medical sphere. He follows an environmental cause of disease through filth theory. This however, does not only constitute the physical illness, but Chadwick also incorporates psychological and social disease as being caused by this accumulation of filth.  [22]   His main focus is upon the labouring or working class, especially those within slums and residences of particular depravity. In a sanitary context these areas were identified by Chadwick as areas with the highest mortality rates. The other focal point is that of the importance of domesticity, and the cleanliness of the labourers domestic sphere not only towards the prevention of disease but also towards his social improvement.  [23]  Using rather selective evidence, (an issue that will be further elaborated upon in a later section), Chadwick identifies place and class as the most significant determinants in the causation of disease. In this way he proved that the most important factor in the spread of disease was not only material filth, but where you lived.  [24]  Chadwick discounted completely the workplace. With the aforementioned political (Chartist) context in mind, one can identify the disciplinary thrust to Chadwicks Sanitary Report. The politicisation of the labouring classes was to both Chadwick and the Whig government a significant concern. Within the Sanitary Report Chadwick discourages those same labouring men from homo-social activity within any sphere, but particularly that of the public house. Chadwick links the frequenting of such places of vice as a product of the depraved condition of the domestic sphere which was its self a consequence of filth and disease.  [25]  As aforementioned, many middle-class commentators were concerned with the working classes use of public space, especially that of public houses. These were not only associated with alcoholism and disorderly behaviour, but more significantly as places for radical labour organisation especially that of trade unionism.  [26]  In emphasising the importance of the domestic sphere Chadwick links the labouring mans individual identity to his family over any homo-social association. The growing urbanized and capitalist formation of England should be borne in mind. The industrialization of England during this period brought with it the emergence of the capitalism and the importance of the free market. In such a context the middling-classes also emerged and gained a foothold within this new state.  [27]  Furthering this idea of discipline and social ordering it is clear through the Sanitary Report that Chadwicks ideal for which the labouring class should aspire to be was certainly that of the middling class: the class who best fitted into the formation of Britain as an industrialising and capitalist nation. The middling class were seemingly more civilised than the labouring class, and more importantly they enjoyed lower rates of mortality. However, unfortunately for Chadwick, they were politically enfranchised.  [28]  This final issue as has been mentioned was significant. And within Chadwicks own work it creates a certain paradox.  [29]   Throughout his Sanitary Report Chadwick emphasises the importance of the respectability of domesticity, and improvements of the labouring class through the investment in institutions of savings, schooling, respectability and religion. Chadwick generalises the domestic values of the middle class to represent the whole of English society. Emphasising the importance of appropriated behaviour and their distinction from the frugality of the aristocrats and the licentious working-class, Chadwick establishes the naturalness of middle class living habits and the superiority thereof in both health and longevity.  [30]  Yet whilst placing this carrot of improvement in front of the labouring man, Chadwicks emphasis upon improvement is kept within the domestic sphere, thus allowing for sanitary and social improvement. This domestic emphasis limits the working man, actively avoiding and denying the political collusion that the middling classes enjoyed. In this way Chadwick allowed the laboure r only part of the carrot of improvement.  [31]  Chadwick, therefore, denies members of the labouring population the opportunity of establishing the kinds of relationships with each other that facilitated the consolidation of the middle class as a political entity.  [32]   In this respect one sees the attempt by Chadwick to discipline the labouring class through guidance and their own self-discipline. What is more significant here is how Chadwick is able, in the climate of a reluctant-to-reform government, to get sanitary reform passed. This can be attributed to a number of factors; most importantly, Chadwick was able in his report to incorporate the social into sanitation. Chadwick attributed filth theory not only to the causation of physical disease, but also to the causation of alcoholism and more significantly the labouring mans potentially revolutionary behaviour.  [33]  Chadwick addressed the political issue of the day whilst explicitly avoiding overtly political rhetoric. He made political unrest a sanitary issue. By masking those social issues with the sweeter taste of health and sanitation, Chadwick makes his vision easier to swallow for a reluctant government. This as Hamlin rightly points out is the true nature of Chadwicks Report. It wa s essentially a political piece of work, with social reorganization hidden behind the guise of disease prevention and public medicine.  [34]   This material and domestic focus allowed for Chadwick to avoid the issue of poverty as a determinant of disease. Chadwick discounted issues such as adequate food, clothing and sufficient wages as consequential to health. Although seemingly avoiding the issue of the poor law, Chadwick is inadvertently addressing the problem. His vision of sanitary improvement was intended to improve the very class for whom poor relief was a viable option. If through sanitation their physical, and psychological state could be improved then they would be less depraved, less inclined to drink and perhaps less likely to need to be relieved. Statistical information was not only a phenomenon of the Victorian period; it was also a powerful reformist tool, pioneered by the social reformist James Phillips Kay.  [35]  Information and evidence are significant factors in the understanding of Chadwicks work both within the Royal Commission for the poor law and within his Sanitary Report. Chadwick was quick to utilise the power of information to further his reformist plan. This is evident throughout his work on the Royal Commission of the poor law, and of the Factories, and certainly within his Sanitary Report.  [36]  Influenced by his contemporary James Phillips Kay, Chadwick embarked upon the use of statistics and evidence for reformist purposes. This would seem a noble endeavour, classically associated with the reformist movement, in work such as the aforementioned Kay, and many others seeking to improve England. Chadwick was shrewder with his statistical evidence. Many historians suggest that he used only those statis tics which would further his preconceived notions and aims. This is certainly evident mostly starkly, as Christopher Hamlin among other historians have identified, within the Sanitary Report.  [37]   Chadwicks narrowing of public health to that of sanitation is the prime example. Chadwick ignores completely the medical aspects of public health, refusing to include the medical profession into his vision. Furthermore, his emphasis upon the environmental cause of disease through filth completely ignored not only substantial evidence from physician such as Alison who exampled a complexity of issues to disease causation, but also his contemporary and friend James Phillips Kay. This narrow focus and selective evidence can be seen as a way of Chadwick avoiding certain issues for which he was reluctant to attribute to the health of the labouring class; that being poverty and the new system of poor relief. Chadwicks focus upon the physical moved the focus away from claims by Poor Law medical officers that harsh Poor Law policies were the cause of illness and disease  [38]  Thus, for Chadwick to avoid confirming in writing that his already hated poor law was also a cause of disease; he had to change tact and use statistics to prove otherwise. If hardship produced illness, a PL founded upon disincentives to seek relief was counterproductive and morally indefensible.  [39]  Chadwick took the same attitude with the compilation of his evidence within the poor law commission. He used and selected the right evidence that would bolster his policy. There was opposition, yet Chadwick seemed, and did, amass voluminous amounts of evidence that supported his claim.  [40]  Chadwick throughout the period applied statistics to bolster his preconceived cause. He was so successful that he not only managed to enact his reforms, but also, made those reforms seem like the only viable reality. Chadwick was certainly an active reformist during this period, and even before.  [41]  With regards to whether Chadwick was a politician in disguise, is certainly nuanced and complex. He was not a political figure; he was a reformist, and a civil servant of sorts.  [42]  Yet he certainly played the political game. He was active in much of the policy making that occurred during this period and had a significant role in the two most significant areas of reform; the poor law; and public health, for which he essentially established in England, if on somewhat narrower definitions than that of his French counterparts.  [43]  This in itself is an example of his attempts at creating a new social picture of England. His national vision extended from a centralised institutional authority to a mass social body. Everything Chadwick attempted was on a national scale. His vision of the improvement of Great Britain is evident in most of his works. And he was determined to have this visi on become a reality. His selective use of evidence, the focus of his Sanitary Report, the Royal Commission on the poor law, certainly sways one in the direction of politician in disguise. Much of his work in contemporaneous context had subtle and subverted political agendas. The poor law was based on a deterrent system, which aimed at the reduction of expenditure. This is a more explicit involvement. Yet the Sanitary Reports is a prime example of a politician in disguise. The overarching focus upon the health of the labouring poor is punctuated by the inclusion of discipline and social organisation. Yet for all these aspects, Chadwick was certainly more a product of his Benthamite roots. A man heavily influenced by Benthams Constitutional Code, but with his own individual drive and aspirations. In this way, improvement and reform were his true aims. He had a vision for the makeup if Britain and was determined to see that his ideas were realised, even if that meant making certain concessions to make it more appealing to government, and at times to cover his own back. One could suggest, especially within the Sanitary Report, that Chadwick chose sewers and water in a narrowing of public health because of their political innocuousness. He can be seen to actively avoid any explicit association with the politics of this area. Chadwick, unlike many of his Utilitarian contemporaries, was seemingly more inclined to diverge slightly from his Benthamite past if it meant the success of his policies.

Power, Politics And Glory Essay

If protest art is shown only in galleries or museums, is it reaching a wide enough audience to be effective? Protest art is a way for activists to promote their causes by using creativity in how they delivery their message.   If they will only be displayed in museums or galleries, then it will only reach a limited audience.   In any kind or form of promoting a social message, it is important to reach as many people as possible.   Without a wide reach, the protest art would not be very effective.   However, if the target audience were limited to those who are frequent visitors to museums and galleries, then, limiting the display to these locations would serve the purpose.   With protest art, the artist often has a clear political message to deliver, presents it in a persuasive way, and hopes to cause change. Is that different from propaganda?   Propaganda takes many forms and uses different mediums to deliver its message in order to persuade or influence changes.   Protest art as a form of propaganda uses symbols and pictures to drive the message across.   By being creative, more people will take notice of what the issue is all about.   Can propaganda be art?   Art can take any form.   Similarly, a movement can also use art to promote or influence opinions and behavior.   In that sense, propaganda can use cartoons, satires, paintings, banners, or other art mediums to convey the message.   Look at the image of President Bush. This photograph was taken in May of 2003. Do you think this image was staged in any way? What are your thoughts in the way of the function of this image? Could it be called propaganda? The image is obviously staged to relate a message.   Since propaganda could be positive or negative, then there are two ways to interpret this image.   On the positive side, the thumbs-up and the mission-accomplished banner could mean that the government has successfully upheld justice in Iraq by driving away extremists led by Saddam Hussein.   On the other hand, the picture could mean that Bush was gloating over the invasion of Iraq and how it would mean to his image as world leader.

Italian Neorealism and National Cinema

The question whether to consider a particular film part of national cinema is still unanswered. What is national cinema? What separates it from other forms of film genres? What makes it part of ones culture and how does it illuminate identity and patriotism? Films are often described as society’s reflections or representations. Because of films’ utilization and articulation of visual imageries, storytelling becomes more vivid and concretely presented. In addition to that, the presence of alive actors and actresses makes film more in touch with reality. This is one advantage that films possess over other national art and treasures such as literature and music. The truth of the matter is, it is a combination of both literature, music, visual and performing arts. If the community renders such notions about national cinema, then the dictates of logic and reason readily show that each and every featured film shown in big screens are parts of a bigger picture known as national cinema. However, the problem is that members of the academe and scholars alike seem to be uncomfortable in settling to such an idea. National Cinema Keith Cameron noted that in discussing national cinema, there are â€Å"axis of reflections† that should be considered [1]. These are the manner in which films are â€Å"enunciated.† [2] The second one pertains to different texts and images that these films want to promote or imply.[3] The last but definitely not the least, is how to locate these films within the national context.[4] These three aspects are of great importance to this particular discussion. This would bring a better contextualization of De Sica’s Bicycle Thieves and how it fits in into the national cinema category. According to Cameron, there are three ways to enunciate films and that is based on the actual structure and content of the film involved, the analyses and discussions that are given to it and the institutions in which these films are shown and made available to the public. [5] With this regard, Cameron questions the differentiation of popular cinema from national cinema. First of all, Cameron seem to imply that although some films or productions are supported by the government or even if the country involve, such as France for example releases large numbers of film, these alone cannot really define national cinema’s true meaning. If such is the case, it seems that the term national cinema is too encompassing yet too specific. It is encompassing since, it basically involves films within the region and specific, since each of these cinematic productions goes through the scrutinizing eyes of various critics and members of the academic intelligentsia. This brings us to the second mode of enunciation which has something to do with the discourses that are attributed to a particular film. More often than not, to determine whether a film would best fit under the national context is based on the studies that deconstruct every ingredient that embodies a locally produced film. On the other hand, Cameron seem to imply that certain organizations which are actively involved in preserving these films play an important role in film classification—so much so, that a local film cannot be considered as part of national cinema unless these institutions tells so. Turning to the second axis, it is important to look at different symbols and imageries that are embedded in the film. National cinema tends to depict societal and systemic issues. Such readily promotes nationalism, identity, culture and history. But there are also occasions wherein the political structure of a country or state, that are often evident in censorship rules also affect the whole story. Political turmoil can either reinforce the inclusion of nationalistic advocacies and movements in film elements or it can silence these works of art and transform it into mere commodities. As for the case of the third axis, Cameron noted that locating cinemas within the national context should be examined as a mixture of different film genres that are present within the country. Plurality seem to be an important factor in defining films as part of national cinema that are differentiated by six typologies such as the following: â€Å"narratives, genres, codes and conventions, gesturality and morphology, the star as the sign and the cinema of the centre and of the periphery.† [6] Italian Neorealism and National Cinema Given this situation at hand, there is no doubt that national cinema, most especially in Italy has taken the attention of many. Angelo Restivo explained that a comparison cinemas that are not produced in Hollywood readily shows that extensive studies and researches has been conducted towards Italian cinema.[7] Based from this argument, clearly, Italian films exemplify the second mode of enunciation wherein it concerns the discourses that revolve around the film per se. One of the biggest contributions of Italy in the cinematic world is the rise of a genre more popularly known as Neorealism. [8] The defining characteristics of Neorealism are its strong emphasis on social and economic as well as political depiction of society. [9] Maria Prammaggiore and Tom Wallis elucidated that the rise of this film genre occurred during World War II’s aftermath. Roberto Rossellino, Vittorio De Sica and Luchnio Visconti are considered as the main proponents of the said film movement. [10] This has readily contributed into the growth and development of art films that are being offered in the public. With this regard, there is a need to understand national cinema and its seemingly inevitable fusion with Neorealism. If Neorealism began during the time wherein   communities are torn with war and poverty, then the film genre is expected to be part of a much diverse category, which is of course national cinema. An examination of De Sica’s Bicycle Thieves seems to reflect the social dilemmas that are present in Italy. The Bicycle Thieves is a story of a struggling man who is desperate to land a good job in the city. He has a family to raise and everyday expenses are synonymous to everyday curses. Ricci, who is the main protagonist of the story, is in dire need of a bicycle since it is one of the job’s primary requirements. Job opportunities are scarce and there are also other applicants who are readily qualified for the position. In order to get the job, he and his wife pawned some of their precious possessions to get a bike. The world literally crumbled during the war. Economies dropped down and more individuals were denied to have a decent means of living. This is well articulated in the film. Ricci’s undertakings represent the experiences of an individual that is in extreme poverty and desperation. Therefore, it has the tendency to reflect the sentiments of persons who are also engulfed in such situation. Italy is not spared from the war’s impact and De Sica showed that even a great city encounter severe problems. Thus, the social and economic aspect of national cinema in this case is already manifested. Furthermore, since Neorealism, as the term realism depicts, emphasizes capturing reality on screen or at least being closed to reality in that manner. In order to accomplish this, conversational language and natural settings are readily utilized to imbue the â€Å"real† effect. [11] In the first scene alone, Ricci’s environment already manifests extreme poverty. Natural sounds are basically not edited or polished in order to present the realities of the movie’s setting and thus its artificiality is readily reduced. The striking techniques of realism and at the same time, the claims of national cinema make a perfect combination. Perhaps it can be best explained that Neorealism falls under the category of national cinema. Out of the need to live and survive, Ricci became a bicycle thief too. Apparently, this situation demonstrates war’s remnants. There is the struggle to live throughout the whole war per se. But the battle is even harder when on how to continue life after the incident. The use of close-up shots in the film further heightens the drama that is presented in the film. However, De Sica does not seem to place much importance on dramas that are filled romantic notions—but rather on what is evident in the world. Linda Badley, Barton Palmer and Steven Schneider [12] explained that questions about Neorealism have something to do with insufficient funding. The raw and organic styles that it features are out of necessity rather than pure stylistic and aesthetically-related techniques, according to its critics. But then again, Badly, Palmet and Schneider discussed that â€Å"on-location† shoots are even more expensive since some factors such as the weather and lighting cannot be controlled and that it should go through a series of finishing touches for it to capture the desired effect. [13] National cinema as previously discussed is a celebration of society’s everyday affairs. De Sica and his great interest and fervor desire in promoting Neorealism is a concrete example of a classic national cinema. Once and for all, the mere fact that Neorealism deals with reality simply purports that national values and experiences are highlighted. The visual imageries that are used in Bicycle Thieves connote a strong presentation of Italy’s previous political and social upheavals that has to be confronted. The aim to depict this reality goes hand in hand with the objective to readily champion a vital change that is essential in Italy’s community. Due to this, national cinema transforms into an art form worthy of praise and recognition. Bibliography Badley, L, R Palmer& S Schneider. Traditions in World Cinema. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2006 Cameron, C,   National Identity. Intellect Books, Great Britain, 1991 Prammagiore, M   & and T Wallis, Film: A Critical Introduction. Laurence King Publishing,   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   London, 2005 Restivo, A,   The Cinema of Economic Miracles: Visuality and Modernization in the Italian   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Art Film, Duke University Press, USA, 2002 [1] K Cameron, National Identity. Intellect Books, Great Britain, 1991, p. 96 [2] Ibid. [3] Ibid. [4] [5] Ibid. [6] Ibid. [7] A Restivo, The Cinema of Economic Miracles: Visuality and Modernization in the Italian Art Film, Duke University Press, USA, 2002, p.3 [8] M Prammagiore   & and T Wallis, Film: A Critical Introduction. Laurence King Publishing, London, 2005, p.310 [9] Ibid. [10] Ibid. [11] Ibid. [12] L Badley, R Palmer, S Schneider, Traditions in World Cinema. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2006, p. 32 [13] Ibid

Goal Setting Theory - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 6 Words: 1813 Downloads: 2 Date added: 2017/09/16 Category Psychology Essay Type Argumentative essay Tags: Motivation Essay Did you like this example? Introduction This essay will explain the goal setting theory. I will review theories related to goal setting. Then I will apply the theories to a work example. Lastly, I will provide recommendations based on the theories. Literature review: Goal setting is a theory of motivation, which may give employees a sense of purpose, challenge, and meaning to their work as well as a sense of accomplishment (Latham 2007, p. 62). Effective goal setting has according to Medlin and Green (2009, p. 952) been a driver of performance for decades. Latham and Locke (1990, p. 261) states that goals direct attention to the activity specified by the goal and simultaneously away from goal-irrelevant activities. The core finding of goal setting research is that specific high goals when accepted, lead to higher performance than no goals or vague goals (Latham 2007, p. 53). The importance of the goal to the individual and self-efficacy (i. e. self-confidence that the goal for a specific task is att ainable) influences the commitment of an individual to a goal (Latham Locke, 2007, p. 291). However, if there is no commitment to the goal, no motivational effects will occur from goal setting (Slocum, Cron and Brown, 2002, p. 77). According to Latham and Locke (1990, p. 95) goals motivate individuals to be persistent, and challenging goals inspire the individual to be determined in not settling for less than could be achieved. Furthermore, goals can affect performance indirectly by motivating the individual to develop task specific strategies (Latham Locke, 1990, p. 261). Goals are moderated by ability, goal commitment, feedback in relation to goal pursuit, the complexity of the task, and situational factors (e. . , presence of needed resources) (Latham Locke, 2007, p. 291). An employee’s motivation is according to Latham and Locke (2007, p. 291) affected by specific challenges and demands such as high goals. However, people automatically use the knowledge and skills t hey have already acquired that are relevant to achieve the goal (Latham Locke, 2002, p. 707). In the absence of knowledge or ability, setting a specific high goal can have a negative effect on a person’s performance (Kanfer Ackerman, 1989, p. 661). A learning goal should be set rather than an outcome goal when the knowledge or skill for attaining the goal is unknown (Latham Locke 2007, p. 293). A situational constraint to effective goal setting is environmental uncertainty, which might be due to unavailable information in order to set efficient outcome or learning goals (Seijts Latham, 2001, p. 292). In order for goals to affect performance, Erez and Zidon (1984, p. 77) state that there must be commitment to the goals, that is, employees must be truly trying to attain them. One important factor that facilitates goal commitment is the belief that the individual are able to attain the goal (i. e. , high self-efficacy), and the importance of the outcome that they expec t as a result of working to attain the goal is yet another important factor (Locke Latham, 2002, p. 707). An employee’s success in achieving challenging but attainable goals is associated with positive and valued (high-valence) outcomes (Fried Slowic, 2004, p. 406). Examples of internal outcomes are a sense of accomplishment, escape from feeling bored or useless, and proving oneself. External outcomes are for example, higher income, job security, and opportunities for promotions. The higher the importance of these expected outcomes for the person, the higher the goal commitment to attain it (Latham, 2007, p. 185). Locke and Latham (1990, p. 242) suggest that when feedback allows performance to be tracked in relation to one’s goal, goal setting is more effective. When people find they are below target, they normally increase their effort or try a new strategy (Matsui, Okada, Inoshita, 1983, p. 10). If the employees do not know how they are doing, it is difficult f or them to adjust their performance strategies to match what the goal requires (Locke Latham, 1990, p. 242). When the goal is set, it is the person’s perception of how well he or she will perform, that will determine the level of performance, hence the importance of one’s self efficacy (Latham, 2007, p. 82). According to Lee and Bobko (1992, p. 364) a goal is perceived to be less difficult when a person’s self-efficacy is high. Also, people with high self-efficacy adjust their level of performance to negative feedback more effectively than do people who have low self-efficacy. Allowing employees to participate in goal setting lead consistently to higher level of commitment as participation generally make the goals more important to the individual, and the goals would be set based on previous performance and current knowledge (Latham Locke, 1990, p 109). The employee will usually have a higher self-efficacy and therefore perform better than those who do not participate in setting the goals (Locke, 2002, p. 08). Example In a previous job, I was given a specific outcome goal, which consisted of selling a certain amount of cell-phones in a day. I received a fixed salary regardless if I reached the goal or not. A situational constraint of having few customers made me incapable of reaching the goal. In addition, I had little knowledge of the products I was supposed to sell, as I had only been working for a few weeks. I experienced lack of motivation and commitment to the goal I had been given. According to Latham (2007, p. 176) goal setting without adequate knowledge is useless (i. . , unless the individual know how to attain a goal, there will be no commitment). When learning rather than motivation is required to master a task, setting an outcome goal can have a detrimental effect on performance and a decrease in self-efficacy (Latham Locke, 2007, p. 293). People with low self-efficacy are unlikely to commit to a high goal (Latham Locke 2007, p. 291). I had low self-efficacy and no commitment due to the lack of ability and knowledge to perform the goal I was given. This is consistent with the theory where Woofford, Goodwin, and Premack (1992, p. 95) state that when commitment is lacking, goals have little or no effect on behavior. The goal I was given was unrealistic, therefore I ignored there even was a goal. Goals that are perceived as difficult are less likely to be accepted than easy goals (Latham Locke, 1990, p. 259). As learning was required to master the task, it is consistent with the theory that the given outcome goal had detrimental effect on my performance (i. e. , Seiits Latham 2001, p. 292). Latham (2007, p. 92) states that high dissatisfaction occurs when rewards are perceived as unfair. I got de-motivated and felt no commitment to the organization as there was no reward or high-valence outcome if the goal was achieved. Moreover, I was not committed to the goal I was given, hence feedback became irrelevant and ineffective, and this is where it breached the theory (i. e. , Matsui, Okada, Inoshita 1983, p. 410). Recommendation: First of all, due to the lack of ability and knowledge to perform the given goal, a specific difficult learning goal should have been set rather than an outcome goal. A specific outcome goal should be set only when people have the required knowledge or ability (Latham, 2007, p. 8). By ensuring adequate training, strategy development or task instructions, the employees would have the accurate knowledge and ability to perform the given task; self-efficacy might increase, which in turn enhances goal commitment and performance (Bandura Locke, 2003, p. 94). Second, an alternative for managers to assigning an appropriate goal is to allow employees to participate in setting them (Latham Locke, 2002, p. 707). Generally, employees will set goals based on previous performance and current knowledge, which usually lead to a higher self-efficacy and better perfo rmance (Latham Locke, 1990, p 109). Also, people with high self-efficacy will typically set higher goals upon attainment than those with low self-efficacy (Latham Locke 2007, p. 291). Third, a reward such as monetary incentives may be used to enhance goal commitment. Employee satisfaction will derive, in part, from giving employees personally meaningful work that they are capable of handling and, in part, reward good performance (Locke and Latham 1990, 267). Other rewards such as gift cards, competition of being â€Å"employee of the month† and flexible working hours is examples, which could enhance goal commitment. Fourth, the manager should take social constraints into consideration prior to the goal setting. Here, as few customers visited the store, it was literally impossible to sell enough products to reach the given goal. The goal should be achievable for the reason that employees will only commit to a goal if they have the ability and knowledge to attain them ( Latham Locke, 2002, p. 707). Fifth, the manager should try to convince the employee that attaining the goal is important, communicate an inspire vision and be supportive (Latham Locke, 2002, p. 707) References: Bandura, A. Locke, E. A. (2003). Negative Self-Efficacy and Goal Effects Revisited. Journal of Applied Psychology, 88(1), 87-99. Retrieved April 12, 2010, from the EBSCOhost database. Erez, M. , Zidon, I. (1984). Effect of Goal Acceptance on the Relationship Of Goal Difficulty to Performance. Journal of Applied Psychology, 69(1), 68-78. Retrieved February 4, 2010, from the EBSCOhost database. Fried, Y. , Slowik, L. H. (2004). Enriching Goal-Setting Theory with Time: An Integrated Approach. Academy of Management Review, 29(3), 404-422. Retrieved April 2, 2010, from the EBSChost database. Kanfer, R. , Ackerman, P. L. (1989). Motivation and Cognitive Abilities: An Integrative/Aptitude-Treatment Interaction Approach to Skill Acquisition. Journal of Applied Psychology, 74 (4), 657-690. Retrieved April 15, 2010, from the EBSChost database. Latham, G. P. , Locke, E. A. (1990). A Theory of Goal Setting Task Performance. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. Latham, G. P. , Locke, E. A. (2007). New Developments in and Directions for Goal-Setting Research. European Psychologist, 12(4), 290-300. Retrieved April 15, 2010, from the EBSCOhost database. Latham, G. P. (2007). Work Motivation: History, Theory, Research, and Practice (Foundations for Organizational Science). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc. Locke, E. , Latham, G. P. (1990). Work Motivation and Satisfaction: Light at the End of the Tunnel. Psychological Science, 1(9), 240-246. Retrieved April 2, 2010, from the EBSChost database. Locke, E. A. , Latham, G. P. (2002). Building a Practical Useful Theory of Goal Setting and Task Motivation. American Psychologist, 57(9), 705-717. Retrieved April 1, 2010, from the EBSChost database. Lee, C. , Bobko, P. (1994). Self-Efficacy Beliefs: Comparison of Five Measures. Journal of Applied Psycology, 79(3), 364-369. Retrieved April 15, 2010, from the EBSCOhost database. Matsui, T. , Kakuyama, T. , Onglatco, M. L. (1987). Effects of Goals and Feedback on Performance in Groups. Journal of Applied Psychology, 72(3), 407-415. Medlin, B. , and Green Jr, K. W. (2009). Enhancing performance through goal setting, engagement, and optimism. Industrial Management Data Systems, 119(7), 943-956, from the Emerald database. Seijits, G. H. , Latham, G. P. (2001). The effect of distal learning, outcome, and proximal goals on a moderately complex task. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 22(3), 291. Retrieved April 15, 2010, from the ProQuest database. Slocum Jr, J. W. , Cron, W. L. , Brown, S. P. (2002). The effect of goal conflict on performance. Journal of Leadership Organizational Studies , 9(1), 77-89. Retrieved April 15, 2010, from the ProQuest database Wofford, J. C. , Goodwin, V. L. , Premack, S. (1992). Meta-Analysis of the Ante cedents of Personal Goal Level and of the Antecedents and Consequences of Goal Commitment. Journal of Management, 18(3), 595-615. Retrieved April 12, 2010, from the ProQuest database. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Goal Setting Theory" essay for you Create order